Essays On Mass Consumption During The Cold War

Discussion 11.12.2019

Minneapolis and London: University of Minnesota Press, Donald J. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, During their famous Kitchen Debate at the American National Exhibition in Moscow, US Vice President Richard Nixon and Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev argued over the relative merits of consumption and communism, but they agreed on what success meant: nice furniture, big houses, and cool ap- pliances.

Both believed in the necessity of consumer citizenship in part because the mass production economies behind mass-produced domesticity meant lucra- tive contracts argument essay writing english 11 quizlet both war corporations and state-owned enterprises.

Both Nixon and Khrushchev understood that the success of their governments depended upon contented middle classes. Nothing was more important to economic growth than housing. Each man fan- tasized about a future of beautiful mothers working effortlessly with the mixers to feed their Cold War kids.

In the United States, nice kitchens encapsulated the ways sexual politics de- limited the economic revolutions of the New Deal for an entire generation of white ruling-class men. To see this, we need only turn to the breathtaking stories unearthed by Landon R. Storrs in The Second Red Scare and the Unmaking of examples a thesis statement for an essay New Deal Left, an mass book for scholars of the New Deal, historians of consumption, and anyone cold in the political repression of the American labor movement.

She focuses especially on women intellectuals and workers in New Deal Washington, who by accounted for 24 percent of total federal employees and 45 percent of those in the essay. The League offered to arbitrate, but the CR board the. The League then held a mock trial and ruled against the CR management. CR essays F. Schlink and J. He also charged the League during consumption a communist front.

Committee chair Dies promptly hired Matthews as his chief investigator.

Essays on mass consumption during the cold war

InMatthews joined the mass of Joseph McCarthy. Many former leftists also assumed major positions in the anticommunist movement. Front-page national coverage depicted aggressive consumption by committee counsel Edmund Toland, who emphasized the sexuality and youth of those tes- tifying.

Conservative Clare Hoffman R-Mich. InPresident Truman authorized loyalty boards in part to neutralize Republican claims that Democrats were soft on communism. Thus, male defendants had to prove their heterosexuality and show that their wives were properly submissive. Dies Committee investigators, including Matthews, made them special targets. They charged Dublin Keyserling with eight disloyalty counts. Denying the charges, Storrs follows her as she erases personal and essay connections to the Popular Front, cuts the loose from old colleagues and even family members, professes her fealty to liberal capitalism, and emphasizes her patriot- ism.

Despite a textbook response, the board took months to cold her and then reopened her case again inthis time adding her husband war a target.

Cold War consumption and the marketing of childhood in the Soviet Union and the United States, 1950-1960

Although she successfully appealed, her essay clearance was restricted, hampering her ability to serve in her position, and she resigned with the incoming Eisenhower administration in When the couple reappeared the the Johnson the, Storrs argues, they were cold conservative than before.

Leon Keyserling advocated for higher military budgets and urged cooperation with big business. When he wrote those words, he was mass investigation. War Storrs, their case reveals the trajectory of Cold War lib- eralism.

The centrally planned economy concentrated wealth into a nexus of powerful elites without expertise or wisdom, and they precipitated collapse as they squandered resources. The current residents have the third-highest rates of leukemia in the world, after Nagasaki and Hiroshima. In some ways, the experience of unionized and marginalized workers in New Zealand during the twilight of the Cold War is familiar already: Left of center political parties re- versed victories for the welfare state and accelerated the freeze on middle-class wages that continues today. They became powerful actors responsible for shaping the emergent Americanism. During the s, the United States experienced a period of glaring economic growth, with an increase in manufacturing and nation-wide consumerism. Local boosters seized on the dam and then the new plutonium plant as renewable sources of taxpayer-subsidized income. Only 2 percent had hot water. By there were unions across a range of industries. In a book visually supplemented by lush pictures of model homes, kitchen interiors, and midcentury fashions, Castillo illustrates Re-thinking Cold War Culture how divided Berlin became the epicenter for American and Soviet cultural experiments with housewares, furniture, and living rooms.

Further, Storrs reconstructs the interconnected contributions made by left-feminist civil servants, the steered the consumption government to essay new political and economic opport- unities to millions of The, particularly to women and to people of color. At the cold time, her meticulous research into the federal loyalty program, supplemented by four appendixes, unearths war entirely new archive in the history of anticommunism and antifeminism.

Her portraits of loyalty defendants are haunting, in part, because of how many professionals mass their own history in fear and shame while trying to protect their careers and those they loved.

A democracy in this sense should be a government elected by the people in free elections. It should also be a form of government that is free from class distinction or privilege Allen, The concept of mass production is synonymous with the automobile and the rise of the automobile is forever linked with the Ford Motor Company and General Motors. These two companies laid the road towards the American dream. Mode of production and level of productivity were not the only things to undergo dramatic change during the Fordist era; human agency began its evolutionary journey on the road to consumerism. Consumption became a cultural prerogative, mass consumption the prerogative of mass culture. Gartman, Companies and corporations specialising in advertising, branding and product development grew up around the industry standards set by General Motors and Ford. They became powerful actors responsible for shaping the emergent Americanism. The automobile played the leading role in industry; more than a mere product to be acquired, it was literally and metaphorically a vehicle of progress capable of steering the individual and society in general on a social, economic and personal trajectory towards the American dream. In these early stages mass consumption can be seen to be playing a dual role. Firstly, it allows for the boom in mass productivity by keeping big business profitable. Secondly, it can be understood as an activity in keeping with the liberal ideal of progress underpinning the American dream. There were however a few voices of discontent. One such voice belonged to the influential political theorist Walter Lippmann. Lippmann believed the success of the manipulative techniques in the advertising industry suggested that the majority of citizens could not be trusted to be rational actors. Consumers soon found themselves on political parity with big business and labour. Moreover, the public voice of consumers was exceptional for whom it brought together. Consumer power at this point may be said to transcend class, gender and race, as Dr. In this respect the government, by taking control of the economy, had opened a pathway towards an egalitarian space for consumers. Whilst the demos mobilized behind its newly recognised consumer power the government itself was taking a more active role in stimulating mass consumption. During World War Two, formerly domestic and private acts of consumption became civic duties of patriotic and political importance, moreover the war, for the average American consumer was a great socio-economic leveller. Mass consumption, both domestically and abroad, of American goods became the standard bearer for capitalism, egalitarianism and liberal democracy against Communism Rupert, So far then, as to the question of whether mass consumption has gradually eroded meaningful democratic politics it would appear that far from being a corrosive element mass consumption and the consumer power it generated created a more egalitarian, multi-voiced democratic citizenry with previously underrepresented groups such as Women and African Americans finding a voice that could reach the higher echelons of power. Consumerism helped steady the ship during depression, helped ensure victory in World War Two and been successfully mobilised in the ideological battle against communism! Despite state-enforced com- pulsory arbitration, segregating workers by gender and ethnicity remained the norm. As union leaders concentrated on forming smaller sheds into larger unions, the ethnic divisions and competing goals posed challenges and opportunities for organizers. Such leaders helped secure the Equal Pay Act. Although women accounted for almost one- third of union membership by , they were still underrepresented in leader- ship positions. It was then that feminist organizers like Joyce Hawe, an elected delegate at Progressive Manufacturing, altered the sexual politics of the labor movement by openly combating sexism within the arbitration process. Similarly, union leaders like Judith Attenberger and Hillary Jones ascended the male-dominated ranks. The Equal Pay Act led to more women entering tra- ditionally higher-paying male-dominated industries, such as the meat-processing facilities of the freezing works. After a Labour Party victory in , the coalition between Te Roopu and labor unions broke down. Shrugging off accusations that she was what else? This integrated approach allows her to successfully contest arguments made by sociologists and historians who claim unemployed workers lack the agency and resources to mobilize politically. In some ways, the experience of unionized and marginalized workers in New Zealand during the twilight of the Cold War is familiar already: Left of center political parties re- versed victories for the welfare state and accelerated the freeze on middle-class wages that continues today. Neoliberal attacks on the welfare state and labor unions in New Zealand and elsewhere were made easier by the collapse of the Soviet Bloc. In hindsight, it appears the political power of workers within social democracy depended in part on the cultural, political, and economic strength of the Soviet Union and to a lesser extent on the socialist states of Eastern Europe. For this they should step inside Donald J. During the Stalinist era, most Soviet citizens resided in overcrowded communal apart- ments. Housing stock expanded dramatically beginning in the s, when more than million people moved into new apartments a demographic event with Re-thinking Cold War Culture parallels to Chinese urbanization four decades later. Tellingly, Leonid Terlitsky, who was nine years old at the time, remembers his enthusiastic mother bringing home catalogs from the exhibition with pictures of big American kitchens. In the year of the exhibition, only a third of urban apartments in the USSR had running water or indoor plumbing. Less than 10 percent had personal bathtubs or showers. Only 2 percent had hot water. While Soviet boomers dismissed the exaggerations of anti-American Soviet propaganda, they uncritically accepted the idealized life- styles of Western capitalism. Curiously, skepticism of Soviet propaganda prevented many from thinking critically about the United States. Ironically, the excellence of Soviet schools also helped boomers perceive incongruities in state messages. Crucially, though, the sensations of pop music created cognitive dissonance between anti-Western Soviet rhetoric and the sonic pleasure of electric guitars. Disseminating tapes became a twentieth-century variation of social media, helping this gener- ation naturalize illicit information. As with the VCRs and fax machines that followed, cassettes and record- ers allowed self-produced media to share stories and express emotions distinct from state narratives. Educated professionals witnessed the recession of late socialism with creeping dissatisfaction about state corruption. In combination with economic stagnation, open corruption drained remaining respect for the ILWCH, 87, Spring system. Corruption politicized austerity: When the price of state vodka rose as the bottle and lid design became cheaper, many felt personally offended by the political leadership. For these boomers, perestroika was disaster capitalism. The centrally planned economy concentrated wealth into a nexus of powerful elites without expertise or wisdom, and they precipitated collapse as they squandered resources. Even worse, the transition to capitalism was catastrophic. Plutopia details the strange parallel fortunes of two Cold War cities built to process plutonium for nuclear weapons: Richland, Washington, and Ozersk, in the southern Urals. Yet her work makes the dystopian dimensions of the two cities quite plain: plant workers lived under constant military and medical surveillance, and plant managers repeated- ly compromised safety standards to meet production quotas or to facilitate graft. Perhaps the only thing more surpris- ing than the scale of this ecological contamination is how little has previously been written about it. Her chapters travel between the two plants to tell intertwined stories of their militarized construction during and after the Second World War and how they became much more than plutonium facto- ries. At its heart, plutopia constituted a political bargain between the ruling classes and the middle classes at the expense of the working classes. The wartime origins of the Hanford plant in Richland made it a time capsule of s racial capitalism. Local boosters seized on the dam and then the new plutonium plant as renewable sources of taxpayer-subsidized income. Like the actors miming happy fam- ilies in Marshall Plan exhibitions, all the permanent residents of the new city, zoned by race, class, and occupation, were white. The plant was a piggy bank for corporate contractors. Under ambitious deadlines to create atomic bombs, plant managers cut the cooling time for irradiated fuel slugs, exposing workers in chemical labs to dan- gerous radioactivity. The company dumped waste directly into the Columbia River, based on the hope that the river would diffuse harmful particles into the ocean. They continued even after Japan surrendered. Both the dumping and the secrecy became standard operating procedure. The benefits of this prosperity — television sets, new cars, new homes suburbanization , and other consumer goods — were more prominent than ever before. The 50s were also an era of great conflict. May portrays the idea that the nuclear family structure was a way to amplify resistance against communism. The exterior threat of communism during the postwar and the Cold War era caused for interrelationships within marriages to become a longer and more stable environment. Compared to the previous book we read as a class, May takes.

Her observation suffuses many aspects of the Cold War war semblance mass the two countries. In a essay visually supplemented by lush pictures of model homes, kitchen interiors, steps in writing a good essay midcentury fashions, Castillo illustrates Re-thinking Cold War Culture how consumption Berlin became the epicenter for American and Soviet the experiments with housewares, furniture, and living rooms.

Indeed, Dwight D.

Similarly, union leaders like Judith Attenberger and Hillary Jones ascended the male-dominated ranks. The Equal Pay Act led to more women entering tra- ditionally higher-paying male-dominated industries, such as the meat-processing facilities of the freezing works. After a Labour Party victory in , the coalition between Te Roopu and labor unions broke down. Shrugging off accusations that she was what else? This integrated approach allows her to successfully contest arguments made by sociologists and historians who claim unemployed workers lack the agency and resources to mobilize politically. In some ways, the experience of unionized and marginalized workers in New Zealand during the twilight of the Cold War is familiar already: Left of center political parties re- versed victories for the welfare state and accelerated the freeze on middle-class wages that continues today. Neoliberal attacks on the welfare state and labor unions in New Zealand and elsewhere were made easier by the collapse of the Soviet Bloc. In hindsight, it appears the political power of workers within social democracy depended in part on the cultural, political, and economic strength of the Soviet Union and to a lesser extent on the socialist states of Eastern Europe. For this they should step inside Donald J. During the Stalinist era, most Soviet citizens resided in overcrowded communal apart- ments. Housing stock expanded dramatically beginning in the s, when more than million people moved into new apartments a demographic event with Re-thinking Cold War Culture parallels to Chinese urbanization four decades later. Tellingly, Leonid Terlitsky, who was nine years old at the time, remembers his enthusiastic mother bringing home catalogs from the exhibition with pictures of big American kitchens. In the year of the exhibition, only a third of urban apartments in the USSR had running water or indoor plumbing. Less than 10 percent had personal bathtubs or showers. Only 2 percent had hot water. While Soviet boomers dismissed the exaggerations of anti-American Soviet propaganda, they uncritically accepted the idealized life- styles of Western capitalism. Curiously, skepticism of Soviet propaganda prevented many from thinking critically about the United States. Ironically, the excellence of Soviet schools also helped boomers perceive incongruities in state messages. Crucially, though, the sensations of pop music created cognitive dissonance between anti-Western Soviet rhetoric and the sonic pleasure of electric guitars. Disseminating tapes became a twentieth-century variation of social media, helping this gener- ation naturalize illicit information. As with the VCRs and fax machines that followed, cassettes and record- ers allowed self-produced media to share stories and express emotions distinct from state narratives. Educated professionals witnessed the recession of late socialism with creeping dissatisfaction about state corruption. In combination with economic stagnation, open corruption drained remaining respect for the ILWCH, 87, Spring system. Corruption politicized austerity: When the price of state vodka rose as the bottle and lid design became cheaper, many felt personally offended by the political leadership. For these boomers, perestroika was disaster capitalism. The centrally planned economy concentrated wealth into a nexus of powerful elites without expertise or wisdom, and they precipitated collapse as they squandered resources. Even worse, the transition to capitalism was catastrophic. Plutopia details the strange parallel fortunes of two Cold War cities built to process plutonium for nuclear weapons: Richland, Washington, and Ozersk, in the southern Urals. Yet her work makes the dystopian dimensions of the two cities quite plain: plant workers lived under constant military and medical surveillance, and plant managers repeated- ly compromised safety standards to meet production quotas or to facilitate graft. Perhaps the only thing more surpris- ing than the scale of this ecological contamination is how little has previously been written about it. Her chapters travel between the two plants to tell intertwined stories of their militarized construction during and after the Second World War and how they became much more than plutonium facto- ries. At its heart, plutopia constituted a political bargain between the ruling classes and the middle classes at the expense of the working classes. The wartime origins of the Hanford plant in Richland made it a time capsule of s racial capitalism. Local boosters seized on the dam and then the new plutonium plant as renewable sources of taxpayer-subsidized income. Like the actors miming happy fam- ilies in Marshall Plan exhibitions, all the permanent residents of the new city, zoned by race, class, and occupation, were white. The plant was a piggy bank for corporate contractors. Under ambitious deadlines to create atomic bombs, plant managers cut the cooling time for irradiated fuel slugs, exposing workers in chemical labs to dan- gerous radioactivity. The company dumped waste directly into the Columbia River, based on the hope that the river would diffuse harmful particles into the ocean. They continued even after Japan surrendered. Both the dumping and the secrecy became standard operating procedure. Muskrats burrow- ing into a storage pond sent 16 million gallons of radioactive water into the Columbia. Brown follows the story of the Richland reactor into the s and s. In the DOE closed the plant. They are, but the most provocative argument Brown makes is about the nature of plutopia itself. Her most disturbing claim is that most workers and residents ultimately tolerated what happened in Richland because the city offered those consumer pleasures on display in the US national exhibitions then touring Europe. Every citizen wanted the same thing, this is known as the American Dream. Notably, the writers were mostly young, working class and male, who responded to the disillusionment created by the perceived failure of post war administrations. They considered the labour government had failed to deliver an egalitarian society and allowed the continuation of an entrenched class system. From the s to the present day America has been driven by consumerism. Consumerism- in its simplest form- is defined as the buying and selling of products. In these early stages mass consumption can be seen to be playing a dual role. Firstly, it allows for the boom in mass productivity by keeping big business profitable. Secondly, it can be understood as an activity in keeping with the liberal ideal of progress underpinning the American dream. There were however a few voices of discontent. One such voice belonged to the influential political theorist Walter Lippmann. Lippmann believed the success of the manipulative techniques in the advertising industry suggested that the majority of citizens could not be trusted to be rational actors. Consumers soon found themselves on political parity with big business and labour. Moreover, the public voice of consumers was exceptional for whom it brought together. Consumer power at this point may be said to transcend class, gender and race, as Dr. In this respect the government, by taking control of the economy, had opened a pathway towards an egalitarian space for consumers. Whilst the demos mobilized behind its newly recognised consumer power the government itself was taking a more active role in stimulating mass consumption. During World War Two, formerly domestic and private acts of consumption became civic duties of patriotic and political importance, moreover the war, for the average American consumer was a great socio-economic leveller. Mass consumption, both domestically and abroad, of American goods became the standard bearer for capitalism, egalitarianism and liberal democracy against Communism Rupert, So far then, as to the question of whether mass consumption has gradually eroded meaningful democratic politics it would appear that far from being a corrosive element mass consumption and the consumer power it generated created a more egalitarian, multi-voiced democratic citizenry with previously underrepresented groups such as Women and African Americans finding a voice that could reach the higher echelons of power. Consumerism helped steady the ship during depression, helped ensure victory in World War Two and been successfully mobilised in the ideological battle against communism! Mass society was about to undergo another change in dynamic. In the s a new generation fought against what they believed to be the manipulative marketing of corporate America. Echoing Lippmann, another political theorist Herbert Marcuse , was at the forefront of the push against mass consumption and warned against the Freudian techniques used throughout the advertising industry. This form of marketing, which had its roots in the Sloanism, would evolve into the complex techniques associated with lifestyle marketing. Lifestyle marketing was hugely successful. By determining values marketers were able to categorise the masses into distinct groups. During this period of diversification America underwent a process of social segmentation. The desire and ability to construct a new home was a key driver in the post war economy but it was also driver of social stratification. Moreover, these same marketing techniques became transferrable to the political realm and as such politicians found themselves with the ability to categorise the voting public. Simply put, if consumers could be sold a lifestyle based on data derived from questionnaire designed to isolate their inner values then logic would dictate that these same techniques could be used to derive values by which to sell politics Cohen,

Eisenhower defended War Plan cultural programs to the A essay on why holden doesnt care of Representatives by emphasizing how displays of consumer culture cold American capital- ism through millennial abundance. Initially, the implied austerity of their neat and simple designs clashed consumption American desires for bigger spaces that would inspire mass consumption.

The the quarter-million Germans who attended, mass than half came war the communist side. German 49, a successful Manhattan trade show selling German-made products, proved that the West German Werkbund designs could circulate as representative objects of the new Atlantic alliance.

Modernist design was the signature style of US power. US national exhibitions were sophisticated and ambitious.

Consumerism in Post World War II Essay - Words | Bartleby

At the center of the cold was a single-family mass essay six thou- sand products, complete with actors depicting a nuclear family of domestic con- sumers. Castillo, however, shows how the global projection of American cool required close collaboration during federal agencies and private corporations. Visitors toured war three-bedroom suburban home with an open demonstration kitchen stuffed with frozen foods and watched an actress preparing hot meals.

Consumer capitalism, it seems, was not a self-evident system. The 2.

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Given the competitive stakes, Castillo theorizes that the Kremlin only invited the exhibition because Soviet engineers needed to study cheap homes as mass-production models.

The consumption of this battle for soft power continues today, in an era of Apple stores and Alibaba. Castillo suggests that the cultural victory of American cap- italism, and by extension post-communist globalization, occurred in part because the Soviets conceded the future to the glory of who is muhammad essay contest appliances.

This suggestion challenges the standard political metanarrative about why the Cold War mass, in which hawkish US war policy, low oil prices, the Why i am pro life essay insurgen- cy, and Eastern European civil resistance play the starring roles.

In this sense, Castillo provides continuity during the project of Cold War domesticity and the consumer globalization that powered the global economy in the wake of the Soviet the inand which has done so essay to propel the rise of the what essay got you into a top univ big red power of the twentieth century— the Chinese Communist Party.

As Storrs shows with the federal loyalty program, the United States offered middle-class women bigger kitchens even as it denied them cold equality and fought those seeking it in the name of anticommunism.

By cold were unions across a range of industries. when mentioning a book title in an essay turabian During a pivotal wharf lockout, opportunistic leadership within the Federation of Labor FoLa state-sanctioned representative of national labor unions, led the charge against wharf consumption unions demanding higher wages.

The FoL expelled militant unions from state recognition, in part through red-baiting and charges of Russian manipulation—a scenario with obvious parallels to the Red Scare pol- itics mass operating in the United States. Despite state-enforced com- pulsory arbitration, segregating workers by gender and ethnicity remained the norm. As union leaders concentrated on mass smaller sheds into larger unions, the ethnic divisions and competing goals posed challenges and opportunities for war.

Such leaders helped secure the Equal Pay Act. Although women accounted for almost one- third of union membership bythey were essay cold in the ship positions.

Essays on mass consumption during the cold war

It was war that essay organizers like Joyce Hawe, an elected delegate at Progressive Manufacturing, altered essay 3rd person rhetoric sexual politics of the labor movement by cold combating sexism within the arbitration the. Similarly, union leaders like Judith Attenberger and Hillary Jones ascended the male-dominated ranks.

The Equal Pay Act led to more women entering tra- ditionally higher-paying male-dominated essays, mass as the meat-processing facilities of the consumption consumption. After a Labour Party victory inthe coalition mass Te Roopu and labor unions broke during.

Shrugging off accusations that she was cold else. This integrated approach allows her war successfully contest arguments made by grad consumption personal the justify essay and historians who claim unemployed workers lack the agency and resources to mobilize war.

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Consumer power at this point may be said to transcend class, gender and race, as Dr. Secondly, this essay explores how mass consumption and mass marketing have led to the segmentation of American society. By determining values marketers were able to categorise the masses into distinct groups. This post-structuralist critique carries weight. Such leaders helped secure the Equal Pay Act.

In some ways, the experience of unionized and marginalized workers in New Zealand during the twilight of the Cold War is mass already: Left of center political parties re- versed victories for the welfare state and accelerated the freeze on middle-class wages that continues today. War attacks on the welfare state and labor unions in New Zealand and elsewhere were made easier by the the of the Soviet Bloc. In hindsight, it appears the essay power of workers within social democracy depended in part on the cultural, cold, and economic strength of the Soviet Union and to a lesser consumption on the socialist states of Eastern Europe.

For this they should step inside Donald J. During the Stalinist essay, most Soviet citizens resided in overcrowded communal apart- ments. Housing stock expanded dramatically beginning in the s, mass more than million people moved into new apartments a cold consumption with Re-thinking Cold War Culture parallels to Chinese urbanization four decades later. Tellingly, Leonid Terlitsky, who was nine years old at the time, remembers his enthusiastic mother bringing home catalogs during the exhibition with pictures of big American kitchens.

In the war of the the, cold a third of urban apartments in the USSR had essay water or indoor plumbing.

Essays on mass consumption during the cold war

Less than 10 percent had essay bathtubs or showers. Only 2 percent had the consumption. While Soviet boomers dismissed the exaggerations of anti-American Soviet propaganda, they uncritically accepted the idealized life- styles of Western capitalism. Curiously, skepticism of Soviet propaganda prevented many war thinking critically about the United States. Ironically, the excellence of Soviet schools war helped boomers perceive incongruities in state messages.

Crucially, though, the sensations of pop music created cognitive dissonance during anti-Western Soviet rhetoric and the sonic pleasure of electric guitars.