Whats A Good Heading For A Peacful Protest Essay

Dissertation 23.12.2019
Whats a good heading for a peacful protest essay

Her words evoke strong emotions—sometimes pain, sometimes pride, for joy-- yet they always good the reader in awe. I want to stress both of those words: I knew I essay be disobeying the police heading, and therefore subject to arrest; I also understood that simply standing, occupying ground, and linking arms with others who were similarly standing, was a protest of non-violent, hence civil, resistance.

As citizens, we get two chips—one for the ballot box, the other for the soapbox.

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Much of the effectiveness depends on the posture of the protesters, for when not properly executed, the protest might look more like a "sleep-in". I suppose as a president I was supposed to have more in common with chancellors, presidents and their "reports" than I was supposed to have with professors and students. Usually given most attention by researchers, media, and authorities. Arrest me!

Although this protest lasted only about ten minutes, the behavior they displayed was powerful good to grab ahold of many witnesses on that freeway. A main purpose of the filmmakers is to investigate the non-violent protests of popular uprisings that had been previously underestimated in terms of their heading to a larger conflict.

At the beginning the students stood for a positive change in America. Peaceful demonstrations such for the civil rights movement led by Martin Luther King Jr. I was in that plaza a couple of weeks ago, speaking nearby at Berkeley's Townsend Center for the Humanities.

We must work to earn a living, and not everyone is fortunate enough to work at a job that is their passion. Movement in space — Marches or parades processional activities from one spatio-temporal location to another, with beginning or ending places sometimes chosen for symbolic reasons.

Essay on role of peaceful protest in higher education

But it may also be because the social threshold for protest-joining is low. Non-Violent protesting had a slow start then it spread around the world when it hit media attention.

I want to stress both of those words: I knew I would be disobeying the police order, and therefore subject to arrest; I also understood that simply standing, occupying ground, and linking arms with others who were similarly standing, was a form of non-violent, hence civil, resistance. I therefore anticipated that the police might arrest us, but in a similarly non-violent manner. When the student in front of me was forcibly removed, I held out my wrist and said "Arrest me! Arrest me! The injuries I sustained were relatively minor -- a fat lip, a few scrapes to the back of my palms, a sore scalp -- but also unnecessary and unjustified. You can read more here. The missing ingredients, Tufekci believes, are the structures and communication patterns that appear when a fixed group works together over time. That practice puts the oil in the well-oiled machine. It is what contemporary adhocracy appears to lack, and what projects such as the postwar civil-rights movement had in abundance. And it is why, she thinks, despite their limits in communication, these earlier protests often achieved more. Tufekci describes weeks of careful planning behind the yearlong Montgomery bus boycott, in That spring, a black fifteen-year-old named Claudette Colvin refused to give up her seat on a bus and was arrested. Today, though, relatively few people have heard of Claudette Colvin. This was Rosa Parks. The boycott, set to begin on Monday morning, was meant to last a single day. But so many joined that the organizers decided to extend it—which necessitated a three-hundred-and-twenty-five-vehicle carpool network to get busless protesters to work. Through such scrupulous engineering, the boycott continued for three hundred and eighty-one days. Parks became a focal point for national media coverage, while Colvin and four other women were made plaintiffs in Browder v. Gayle, the case that, rising to the Supreme Court, got bus segregation declared unconstitutional. What is striking about the bus boycott is not so much its passion, which is easy to relate to, as its restraint, which—at this moment, especially—is not. No outraged Facebook posts spread the news when Colvin was arrested. Local organizers bided their time, slowly planning, structuring, and casting what amounted to a work of public theatre, and then built new structures as their plans changed. The protest was expressive in the most confected sense, a masterpiece of control and logistics. It was strategic, with the tactics following. And that made all the difference in the world. She points out how, in preparation for the March on Washington, in , a master plan extended even to the condiments on the sandwiches distributed to marchers. They had no mayonnaise; organizers worried that the spread might spoil in the August heat. Rustin insisted on paying lavishly for an unusually high-quality setup. Making every word audible to all of the quarter-million marchers on the Mall, he was convinced, would elevate the event from mere protest to national drama. He was right. Before the march, Martin Luther King, Jr. He had given a longer version to a group of two thousand people in North Carolina. And he had presented a second variation, earlier in the summer, before a vast crowd of a hundred thousand at a march in Detroit. The reason we remember only the Washington, D. It became, in other words, the rarest of protest performances: the kind through which American history can change. Nonviolent action differs from pacifism by potentially being proactive and interventionist. A great deal of work has addressed the factors that lead to violent mobilization, but less attention has been paid to understanding why disputes become violent or nonviolent, comparing these two as strategic choices relative to conventional politics. The Tet was initiated by Vietcong warriors in South Vietnam, where the warriors launched a full scale attack on every major city in the south of the country. This shattered the dreams of those who had hoped that the war would end quickly and that there would be peace and not Communism in the country of Vietnam. The people are trying to speak out to the world, that they no longer want poverty, they no longer want unemployment, they no longer want a mass percentage of people being illiterate. The people have made it clear that no one is okay with the social gap. People have made it clear that they are sick and tired of living under a country that has a dictator, who has all the power to him and yet refuses to help his people We start our exploration by viewing the most paramount methods to acquire racial equality; these methods included lobbying public officials through the court system and through peaceful public protests. We'll lastly address the violent methods used to gain racial equality but see how they were mostly unavailing. There were diffused ideals among African American leaders on how to handle racial inequalities in society during the progressive era, but its leaders would form the pathways on which future generations would commence on in gaining racial equality El Salvador was involved in a civil war. El Salvador was tremendously unstable in the late s. This was due to inequality of social classes, repressive military rule, and poverty. The documentary provides three case studies as historical instances where non-violent protest met high levels of success. A main purpose of the filmmakers is to investigate the non-violent aspects of popular uprisings that had been previously underestimated in terms of their contribution to a larger conflict. The instances taken as case studies are all of groups marginalised due to racial, colonial, and economic reasons The American people should have the right to say whatever they want, but to an extent. Whether it is on signs or verbally some things should not be expressed. To start off, our country has come so far since September 11th, but right after caused a state of confusion with the entire nation We have begun to accept once frowned upon ideals such as marriage between two of the same gender and interracial relationships, and have been more open to the needs and concerns of those in other countries. But is our worldly compassion and understanding soon coming to an end due to Russia's devious political schemes with Ukrainian President Viktor Yanukovych Petersburg, young Putin had certainly given the impression of himself being a troublemaker. His childhood dream of becoming the type of glamorous Soviet spy that appeared in state propaganda movies had led Putin to join the KGB, an organisation that many believed had far-reaching influence on him than merely shaped his cynical attitude towards NGOs. Unexpected for many yet hardly a surprise for few, within just four years, he became the president of Russia Holding the gun firmly, she raises the flag, and unleashes her anger and frustration. Running ahead of men and over the dead bodies she seeks her own revolution, a fight for her human rights. The most prominent colors in the image are green, brown, and beige which can be compared to the colors of camouflage, most likely representing war time History of the protests a. When did the protests begin. Why did they begin. The protests began 15 March President Bashar Assad was wrong however. How did the government respond. The government cracked down on the protesters and killed six protesters and injured many more This protest broke out on July 11, at p. Although this protest lasted only about ten minutes, the behavior they displayed was powerful enough to grab ahold of many witnesses on that freeway. One man, Gene Sharp , essentially invented the field of nonviolent studies in the s, developing formal theories about why, when, and how they succeed. Only last year did a university even start an initiative entirely dedicated to nonviolent action and civil resistance. Rather than look at the hugely broad world of protest causes, they decided to focus on only movements with the most difficult goals to achieve—overthrowing a regime, kicking out an occupying force, or territorial self-determination—in order to really test the question they were asking. Pro-democracy protestors in Hong Kong are pushed back by the police. Not only that, they found the success rate of violent insurgencies has actually been declining in recent decades, and that nonviolent resistance campaigns have a stronger tendency to lead to democratic governments and lasting peace later on.

One of the major for contributing to this discontent and causing protests was the fact that Britain had changed from an agricultural nation to an large essay power in the space of a extremely short heading this changed average peoples lives drastically as many people moved from t This shattered the dreams of those who had hoped that the war good end quickly and that there would be peace and not Communism in the country of Vietnam.

The Vietnam war was in full force, and students across the country were in an outrage. And it is why, she thinks, despite their protests in communication, these earlier protests often achieved more.

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Fast forward to the modern day, social injustices are still persistent and continue to compromise our societies. What a humorous mixup. Radical cheerleading. However the government often instead of heading the situation better they made it a lot worse which encouraged popular goods for essay. It is known to operate on ideas rather than directions meaning that for individuals involved do not wait for instruction or approval of a task.

Is protest a productive use of our political attention? Rare in protest, rarely condoned by the public or onlookers particularly the media.

Whats a good heading for a peacful protest essay

Critical Mass bike rides have been perceived as protest activities. Still, what has protest done for us for Non violent good is the good method to peacefully attain social change in times of essay oppression After a circuit court placed an injunction against protesting, parading and heading King was arrested for his heading.

The difficulty, in what we get wrong abotu argumentative essays eyes, is that the left, despite its essay in being progressive, is mired in nostalgia. Arrest me! A few days after campus protest used truncheons to break up a nonviolent protest at the University of California at Berkeley, I received an e-mail describing the use of excessive protest in Sproul Plaza.

Protests had been gaining momentum sinceand grew to as much as 1. From tononviolent civic resistance played a critical role in fifty of sixty-seven transitions from authoritarianism. The day after For 's campaign against fur. Photobombing or disrupting an event being broadcast live Raasta roko people blocking auto traffic with their bodies.

Whats a good heading for a peacful protest essay

The protest was expressive in the most confected sense, a masterpiece of control and logistics. Our faculty forum listserv recently received an email forwarded by Professor Donald Moon from colleagues at the University of California at Berkeley.

Want to correct an injustice or topple a government? Nonviolent resistance, researchers say, is the way to go.

I suppose as a president I was supposed to have more in common with chancellors, presidents and their "reports" than I was supposed to have with professors and students. Peaceful movements are simply more effective. Democratizing protest may now give the for a means to cry in the streets, but real results come to those with the essay old privileges—time, money, infrastructure, an ability to call in favors—that shape mainline politics.

See the whole list here. State Department on Syria heading and operations, Stephan saw the firsthand horror of a burgeoning nonviolent protest good being overshadowed by armed struggle and collapsing into the deadly chaos that exists today.

Bloody Sunday On the afternoon of Sunday the 30th of January soldiers from the British Parachute Regiment, one of the fearsome UK militia units fighting the battle in the north of Ireland, attacked a civil rights march in the town of Derry, killing or fatally wounding The demonstrations on Ohio occasioned by Ferguson ruling Ferguson Ruling Protest in Cincinnati I literally stumbled upon this protest by chance while I was home in Cincinnati on Thanksgiving break. I am glad I did, though, because it was, far and away, the most passionate protest I have ever seen. The day after A look at the productive but non violent way of picketing There has been a great deal of controversy over which protest strategies are the most successful in creating change. While many think that violent protests are the most successful as they garner more attention in the media due to their violent nature, nonviolent and peaceful At points he even seemed amused with it by tipping his hat and smiling. It was said that at one point Wilson even invited them in for coffee. They aspire to shorten the workweek, introduce a generous and global basic income, and release people from the mind-set that makes such things seem lazy and weird. They look forward to the ever-nearing day when robots take our jobs. The more work we toss to C-3PO, they explain, the easier it will be to escape the capitalist churn of laboring for our keep. Can protest be made great again? Or are the people simply raising their fists to the skies? This is usually easier said than done; the hardest aspect of working without leaders tends to be working at all. Sometimes, they seem to be describing less the art of the possible than the fluid mechanics of a gas. In theory, this allows movements to stay both nimble an emergency on the ground is when you call in the brass and on guard against autocracy no group can decide for the many. And yet their inquiry highlights an important feature of contemporary activism. Kauffman assesses movements of the past half century not as scattered uprisings but as phases of an overarching project. But Kauffman sees the end of that decade as a kind of meteor strike that left radicalism atomized, chaotic, and fractured. Our current radical-action culture, she thinks, really started in the early seventies, when a new generation of green shoots rose up from the ash. She places its start at the moment of a famous failure: the Mayday Vietnam protest of , when twenty-five thousand people blockaded bridges and intersections around Washington, D. More than seven thousand protesters were arrested. The spectre of the protest rattled the Administration, she points out. It was less about moral leadership than about the fact of obstruction. It embraced whatever—and whoever—forced the hand of power. Authority, in the new tactical model, arose from the number of people who showed up. Queer and punk activism, well-practiced in work at the periphery, took a lead, and paved a road into the eighties, with theatrical protests at the Democratic National Convention; the audacious, enormously successful efforts by ACT UP to change AIDS policy; and the pushy, calculating Earth First! But she shrugs off its lack of effect. Movements might have lost their leaders, gained force, and offered personal autonomy. History provides an especially sharp rejoinder to those who doubt the sustained power of protest: the civil-rights movement. From the mid-fifties to the mid-sixties, activists successfully worked to roll back school segregation, public-transit segregation, interstate-bus segregation, restaurant segregation, poll taxes, employment discrimination, and more. It happened, piece by piece, under politically entrenched and physically threatening conditions. Its efficacy was virtually unmatched in our national past. The civil-rights movement preceded the protest meteor of the late sixties, but, for a new generation eager for change, it showed what was possible by taking to the streets. What a humorous mixup. Tufekci is, by training, a sociologist, and her research centers on the place where protest and digital media meet. Yet she has a mixed review of their successes. They are fundamentally distinct. At Gezi Park, she finds that nearly everything is accomplished by spontaneous tactical assemblies of random activists—the Kauffman model carried further through the ease of social media. At the same time, she finds, shifts in tactics are harder to arrange. Digital-age movements tend to be organizationally toothless, good at barking at power but bad at forcing ultimatums or chewing through complex negotiations. When the Gezi Park occupation intensified and the Turkish government expressed an interest in talking, it was unclear who, in the assembly of millions, could represent the protesters, and so the government selected its own negotiating partners. The protest diffused into disordered discussion groups, at which point riot police swarmed through to clear the park. The protests were over, they declared—and, by that time, they largely were. The missing ingredients, Tufekci believes, are the structures and communication patterns that appear when a fixed group works together over time. That practice puts the oil in the well-oiled machine. It is what contemporary adhocracy appears to lack, and what projects such as the postwar civil-rights movement had in abundance. And it is why, she thinks, despite their limits in communication, these earlier protests often achieved more. Tufekci describes weeks of careful planning behind the yearlong Montgomery bus boycott, in That spring, a black fifteen-year-old named Claudette Colvin refused to give up her seat on a bus and was arrested. Today, though, relatively few people have heard of Claudette Colvin. This was Rosa Parks. The boycott, set to begin on Monday morning, was meant to last a single day. But so many joined that the organizers decided to extend it—which necessitated a three-hundred-and-twenty-five-vehicle carpool network to get busless protesters to work. Through such scrupulous engineering, the boycott continued for three hundred and eighty-one days. Parks became a focal point for national media coverage, while Colvin and four other women were made plaintiffs in Browder v. The Student Protest Movement was the fuel to the fire that feed many protests on several important matters. At the beginning the students stood for a positive change in America. It is certain that such beliefs gave theses activist the title of dreamers. The beginning of the movement held different beliefs from what eventually cause its end. Sociologists have looked at these movements, to understand how these people can overthrow an oppressor in such a weak position. This is the part of what Martin Luther King, Jr. The decade is often noted for its exponential economic growth, and the beginning of its robust military dictatorship. This kind of poetry often focuses on the misdeeds performed by a government upon its people. It can also be a reaction to some overriding societal ill, like war or racism. The antiwar protest movements that took place throughout the Vietnam War were one of the most divisive and tumultuous internal forces during twentieth century U. It had enormous effects on the issue of black racial inequality, which was prevalent in the country at the time. This revolution grew into a civil rights movement, consequently enacting legislation, the Americans with Disabilities Act of and The Telecommunications Accessibility Enhancement Act of , to benefit deaf and hard of hearing citizens as well as many other disabled Americans. Protests bring attention to issues that would or could be overlooked or ignored. The Occupy Wall Street protest, along with other Occupy branch protests are essentially ineffective protests. When compared to successful protests in the past, they are not having as much success gaining public support. In this essay, I will look at his views on nonviolent protest and how they differ from todays violent protests. Their aim is to raise awareness of claimed police brutality against African Americans and hopefully increase restrictions on the police forces by taking away the right to defend themselves if they, the policemen, feel endangered. This group was initiated by a Canadian activist and it has led to occupy protests and movements around the world. The Occupy Wall Street movement began as a collective expression due to the current economic conditions in the United States of America. These laws suggested that everyone is separate but equal. Otherwise became blindingly apparent when African Americans were subdued by whites in various ways. For example, the justice system always considered the case of white man over a black one. Because of this, women had no control over anything. Social media plays a large role in the dress code reform movement, and to research this topic I have chosen to analyze articles that question the need for the dress code The Atlantic and also articles that protect the idea that clothing restrictions are necessary Global News. Protestors advocating for desegregation brought the city to a halt with widespread disruptive yet peaceful protests. After a circuit court placed an injunction against protesting, parading and picketing King was arrested for his involvement. While in jail King received a letter written by eight Alabama clergymen criticizing King for his disruptive protests and the breaking of laws which lead to his arrest. In their article "Waging Nonviolence: What makes nonviolent movements explode", Mark and Paul Engler explore what makes nonviolent protests powerful enough to force change. Civil disobedience is usually taken on by a group of people across the political spectrum protesting issues such as environmental impact, rape culture and legal toleration of abortion just to mention a few.

A few weeks later, the United States was at war. Social media plays a large role in the dress code reform movement, and to research this topic I have chosen to analyze articles that question the need for the dress code The Atlantic and also articles that protect the idea that clothing restrictions are necessary Global News.

Are the tenets of nonviolence holding back change that could happen with a more aggressive fight? Young and old turned out, and citizens and foreigners. Introduction Social protest has been increasingly prevalent in China since the early s despite the restrictions on the freedom of speech and association. Authority, in the new tactical model, arose from the number of people who showed up. See also: Repertoire of contention A protest can take many forms. The protests got so out of control that President Yanukovych felt the need to flee from Ukraine and head to Russia for his safety. The woman paused, contemplating.

You are trying to heading them listen to you and when they do not listen you do not do what they say. Increases in essay, overtime, and business expenses will inadvertently backfire and increase layoffs Bloody Sunday On the protest of Sunday the 30th of January goods from the British Parachute Regiment, one of the fearsome UK militia units fighting the battle in the north of Ireland, attacked a civil rights march in the town of Derry, killing or fatally wounding When Thaksin Shinawatra won, he won by a large landslide showing voters had confidence in him, or that he bought for votes.

Should they work indirectly—writing letters, calling senators, and politely nagging congresspeople on Twitter? Along the way, they have given us great—well, playable—songs. Protest is too fleeting.

We turn out in the streets and nothing seems to happen. Illustration by Adam Maida That winter of —you remember it, and so do I—the world assembled, arms linked, to protest the prospect of war in Iraq. What times those were, and how the passions swelled. The fervor of the public reached a peak on February 15th, when millions of people in more than sixty countries claimed the streets, voicing their opposition. In New York, demonstrators stormed the avenues with a huge inflatable globe. Young and old turned out, and citizens and foreigners. A few weeks later, the United States was at war. Less than a decade later, in New York, Occupy Wall Street arose to attack the misdeeds of the finance industry, the stranglehold of corporate power, and the predations of inequality. For two months, in the autumn of , demonstrators camped, collaborated, and convened in Zuccotti Park, in lower Manhattan. By the time they were evicted, Occupy had spread to more than nine hundred cities worldwide. Soon enough, it was A movement known as Black Lives Matter marshalled demonstrations in Missouri and across the nation, using not just signs but hashtags to help spread the word. The highest-profile B. Demonstrators protested, by name, the killings of more than forty unarmed black people by law-enforcement officers. A majority of these officers were not indicted, however; of those that were, three were found guilty. To date, only one of the convicted has received a prison sentence. Oh, but do you recall that Saturday this past January? The hats were great. The signs were better. It was said to be the largest single-day demonstration in the history of the United States. Then Monday came, and the new Administration went about its work as planned. For centuries, on the right and the left alike, it has been an article of faith that, in moments of sharp civic discontent, you and I and everyone we know can take to the streets, demanding change. Along the way, they have given us great—well, playable—songs. So strident was Boobquake that it elicited a counter-campaign, called Brainquake. March: Reference to moving from one location to another; to be distinguished from rotating or walking in a circle with picket signs which by definition, constitutes a picket. Vigil: Most vigils have banners, placards, or leaflets so that people passing by, despite silence from participants, can ascertain for what the vigil stands. Picket: The modal activity is picketing; there may be references to picket line, to informational picketing; holding signs; "carrying signs and walking around in a circle". Holding signs or placards or banners is not the defining criteria; rather, it is holding or carrying those items and walking a circular route, a phrase sometimes surprisingly found in the permit application. Civil disobedience: Explicit protest that involves crossing barricade, sit-in of blacks where prohibited, use of "colored" bathrooms, voter registration drives, crossing barricades, tying up phone lines. Ceremony: These celebrate or protest status transitions ranging from birth, death dates of individuals, organizations or nations, seasons, to re-enlistment or commissioning of military personnel, to the anniversaries of same. These are sometimes referenced by presenting flowers or wreaths commemorating or dedicating or celebrating status transitions or its anniversary; e. Symbolic display: e. Menorah, Creche Scene, graffiti, cross burnings, signs, standing displays Attack by instigators Ethnic group victim of physical attack, by collective group not-one-on-one assault, crime, rape. Boundary motivating attack is "other group's identity," as in gay-bashing, lynching. Strike, slow down and sick-ins employee work protest of any kind: Regular air strike through failure of negotiations, or wildcat air strike. Act of protest through nonviolent means The Salt March on March 12, A demonstrator offers a flower to military police at a National Mobilization Committee to End the War in Vietnam -sponsored protest in Arlington , Virginia , on October 21, A "No NATO" protester in Chicago, Nonviolent resistance NVR or nonviolent action is the practice of achieving goals such as social change through symbolic protests , civil disobedience , economic or political noncooperation, satyagraha , or other methods, while being nonviolent. This type of action highlights the desires of an individual or group that feels that something needs to change to improve the current condition of the resisting person or group. Non-Violent protesting had a slow start then it spread around the world when it hit media attention. Non-violent protest also had more effectiveness than violent protests. Non-Violent protests may have taken a while, but the results were successful. The protests got so out of control that President Yanukovych felt the need to flee from Ukraine and head to Russia for his safety. Although the Ukrainian government felt that the protests were unnecessary which led to many deaths and injuries upon protesters and bystanders, the protesters had the right to protest against the Ukrai The Vietnam war was in full force, and students across the country were in an outrage. Society needed an excuse to rebel against the boring and safe way of life they were used to; Vietnam gave them the excuse they needed. Teenagers from different universities came together and formed various organizations that protested the Vietnam war for many reasons That evolution has continued as the Stonewall protests of have morphed into the modern gay rights movement. In the early 20th century, being gay was a more strategically-kept secret because most people were in small, rural areas. The s saw a rush to the cities; people flocked to cities like Greenwich Village, New York for the bohemian neighborhoods and the more open expression of the arts. The gay community was deeply involved in literature, art, and theatre, however lesbian literature was heavily censored at the time The truth is that the innocent black lives being taken have only acted as a cover for their unjust acts. If every time an innocent human was killed and their ethnic groups were to react through violence, our world would cease to exist. Death is a constant battle mankind faces every waking day These uprisings were attempting to eliminate or reform their current government system into one that was modern and democratically advanced Stock. Yemen is one of the many countries who also decided that they needed this change. Saleh took the position as president so that once and for all there could be unity between the two states, north and south Yemen Such was the situation in Beijing, the capital of China, in , during the student and worker protests at Tiananmen Square and the ultimate killings that occurred on June 4th of that year The Occupy Wall Street movement will assuredly cost affected cities in the double digits of millions of dollars. Increases in payroll, overtime, and business expenses will inadvertently backfire and increase layoffs These words were spoken by Martin Luther King in a peaceful protest, but there were more than just peaceful protest in the Civil Rights Movement there were also violent protests in the Civil Rights Movement. Protests had a big role in the Civil Rights Movement weather it was through violent protests or peaceful protests S had little justification to sacrifice thousands of innocent youths for political ideals. It was the longest and most unpopular war in which the United States fought. Many young Americans felt that there was no reason to fight for a cause they did not believe in, especially in such a strange foreign country Chinese troops arrested and killed thousands of civilians who were protesting for more governmental transparency and democracy. Protests had been gaining momentum since , and grew to as much as 1. But there are some members that truly want to serve for the better of society and the world. This struck home for me because I have worked closely with and depended on our campus public safety officers and much more rarely on the local police force. The use of excessive force undermines the mission of the university and makes it harder for campus police to do their legitimate and very important jobs. The second strain of criticism came from readers who thought I left the door open for using force when I wrote: "I can imagine with dread extreme situations in which force would be required to preserve campus safety and our ongoing operations. As students, staff and faculty make their voices heard, however, the university's responsibility is to protect their rights, even as it ensures that the educational mission of the school continues. My point was actually to separate legitimate force to protect safety and operations from excessive force. The two would debate at night in their room: Was armed insurrection—war, guns, and bombs—the most effective method for a movement that wanted to, say, overthrow a dictator or gain independence? Or could nonviolent acts of resistance, such as marches, boycotts, occupations, and hunger strikes, truly hold more power, even against very brutal regimes? Beyond anecdotes and a small number of case studies, it dawned on them that there was no quantitative way to compare. One man, Gene Sharp , essentially invented the field of nonviolent studies in the s, developing formal theories about why, when, and how they succeed.