There are cases, to be sure, when an opponent, for e. The satyagrahi would count this a partial success. Means and ends[ edit ] The theory of satyagraha sees means and ends as inseparable. The means used to obtain an end are wrapped up in and attached to that end.
Therefore, it is contradictory to try to use unjust means to obtain justice or to try to use violence to obtain peace. I would say, 'means are, after all, everything'. As the means so the end I would rather have India resort to arms in order to defend her honour than that she should, in a cowardly manner, become or remain a helpless witness to her own dishonour But I believe that nonviolence is infinitely superior to violence, forgiveness is more manly than punishment.
He admits that even though his book argues that machinery is bad, it was produced by machinery, which he says can do nothing good. Non-violence was the only alternative for humans to follow. The lightning Japanese advances in the Pacific and the capture of Singapore in February jolted Churchill and Attlee to fear India might fall next. They dispatched Stafford Cripps to India with a proposal they hoped might change the minds of Congress leaders and win their support for the War.
All that Cripps was permitted to offer, however, was Dominion status for India after the War ended, with any dissatisfied province of British India allowed to 'opt out'. Gandhi labelled the offer "a post-dated cheque on a bank that was failing". Nehru and Patel viewed the 'opt-out' clause as Britain's support for Pakistan, and Cripps was kept on so tight a leash by Churchill that he could not negotiate with Congress on his own, leading Gandhi to ask: "If this is all you can offer, why have you come so far?
Gandhi wrote a 'Dear friend' letter to Roosevelt on July 1, , hoping to win America's support for ending the War immediately. Africa are exploited by Great Britain and America People climb a telephone pole for a view of Gandhi's funeral procession in But Gandhi never lost faith in the powers of ahimsa and satyagraha.
On August 3, , he went to Bombay to deliver his "Quit India" proposal to the Congress meeting there, announcing his mantra for this final phase of India's great struggle: "Karega ya Marega! His deepest hope was to win through non-violence "a world federation in which India would be a leading unit", and his dream was to awaken next morning to a "free and non-violent India". Before dawn, he was arrested, as were Congress's entire Working Committee. Gandhi, his wife, and closest supporters were all driven to the Aga Khan's malarial-infested Pune palace, where he suffered his last painful two-year prison term, surviving the deaths of his dear wife, Ba, to whom he had been married 63 years, and his most devoted secretary, Mahadev Desai.
Outside British prisons, in which all of India's nationalist leaders wasted away, every British soldier and civil officer in India was plagued by Indian children who followed them shouting "Quit India" in every language, discouraging those foreign occupiers, making them feel as sick of India as most Indians had long felt of them.
Nothing short of a miracle that a fighting leader should be at the heart of it all. But the forces of inertia never lie low for long.
Such has been our history. Given the will, the Jew can refuse to be treated as the outcast of the West to be despised or patronized. He can command the attention and respect of the world by being man, the chosen creation of God, instead of being man who is fast sinking to the brute and forsaken by God. They can add to their many contributions the surpassing contribution of non-violent action. Harijan, 26th November I do not think that the sufferings of Pastor Niemoeller and others have been in vain.
They have preserved their self-respect intact. They have proved that their faith was equal to any suffering. But the hardest metal yields to sufficient heat. Even so must the hardest heart melt before sufficiency of the heat of non-violence. And there is no limit to the capacity of non-violence to generate heat. Every action is a resultant of a multitude of forces even of a contrary nature.
There is no waste of energy. So we learn in the books on mechanics. This is equally true of human actions. The difference is that in the one case we generally know the forces at work, and when we do, we can mathematically foretell the resultant. In the case of the human actions, they result from a concurrence of forces, of most of which we have no knowledge. But our ignorance must not be made to serve the cause of disbelief in the power of these forces. Rather is our ignorance a cause for greater faith.
And non-violence being the mightiest force in the world and also the most elusive in its working, it demands the greatest exercise of faith. Even as we believe in God in faith, so have we to believe in non-violence in faith. Harijan, 7th January Satyagraha as a means of National Defence In the course of the conversation with the members of the working-committee, I discovered that their non-violence had ever gone beyond fighting the British Government with that weapon.
I had hugged the belief that Congressmen had appreciated the logical result of the practice of non-violence for the past twenty years in fighting the biggest imperialist power in the world. But in great experiments like that of non-violence, hypothetical questions have hardly any play. I myself used to say in answer to questions that when we had actually acquired independence we would know whether we could defend ourselves non-violently or not.
But to-day the question is no longer hypothetical. Whether there is on the part of the British Government a favourable declaration or not, the Congress has to decide upon the course it would adopt in the event of an invasion of India.
For though there may be no settlement with the Government, the Congress has to declare its policy and say whether it would fight the invading host violently or non-violently. This is tragic. If anything, the latter process must be easier. The fact, however, is that our fight has not been one of non-violent resistance of the strong. It has been one of passive resistance of the weak. Therefore there is no spontaneous response in our hearts, at this supreme moment, to an undying faith in the efficacy of non-violence.
The working committee, therefore, wisely said that they were not ready for the logical step. The tragedy of the situation is that, if the Congress is to throw in its lot with those who believe in the necessity of armed defence of India, the past twenty years will have been years of gross neglect of the primary duty of Congressmen to learn the science of armed warfare.
And I fear that history will hold me, as the general of the fight, responsible for the tragedy. Being obsessed with the idea that somehow or other India will learn true non-violence, it would not occur to me to invite my co-workers to train themselves for armed defence.
On the contrary, I used to discountenance all sword-play and the display of stout lathis. Nor am I even now repentant for the past. I have the unquenchable faith that, of all the countries in the world, India is the one country which can learn the art of non-violence, that if the test were applied even now, there would be found, perhaps, thousands of men and women who would be willing to die without harbouring malice against their persecutors.
I have harangued crowds and told them repeatedly that they might have to suffer much, including death by shooting. Did not thousands of men and women brave hardships during the salt campaign equal to any that soldiers are called upon to bear? No different capacity is required from what has been already evinced, if India has to contend against an invader.
Only it will have to be on vaster scale. One thing ought not to be forgotten. India unarmed would not require to be destroyed through poison gas or bombardment. It is the Maginot Line that has made the Siegfried Line necessary. And vice versa. Defence of India by the present methods has been necessary because she is an appendage of Britain. Free India can have no enemy. Our economy would be so modeled as to prove no temptation for the exploiter. I am therefore talking, for the moment, only of Congressmen.
How would they act in the event of an invasion? We shall never convert the whole of India to our creed unless we are prepared to die for it. The opposite course appeals to me. If the masses of the South and Centre wish to become militarized, the Congress, which is supposed to represent them, will have to enter into competition with the former. The Congress will then have to be party to an enormous military budget. There may be all these things without the Congress consent.
It will make all the difference in the world whether the Congress is party to them or not. The world is looking for something new and unique from India. The Congress will be lost in the crowd, if it wears the same old outworn armour that the world is wearing to-day.
The Congress has a name because it represents non-violence as a political weapon par excellence. If the Congress helps the Allies as a representative of non-violence, it will give to the Allied cause a prestige and a power which will be invaluable in deciding the ultimate fate of the war. But the members of the working committee have honestly and bravely not made the profession of such non-violence.
My position is, therefore, confined to myself alone. I have to find out whether I have any fellow-traveller along the lonely path. If I am in the minority of one, I must try to make converts. Whether one or many, I must declare my faith that it is better for India to discard violence altogether even for defending her borders, For India to enter into the race for armaments is to court suicide.
With the loss of India to non-violence the last hope of the world will be gone. Harijan, 14th October An Appeal to Every Briton In I addressed an appeal to every Briton in South Africa on behalf of my countrymen who had gone there as labourers or traders and their assistants.
It had its effect. However important it was from my viewpoint, the cause which I pleaded then was insignificant compared with the cause which prompts this appeal. I appeal to every Briton, wherever he may be now, to accept the method of non-violence instead of that of war, for the adjustment of relations between nations and other matters.
Your statesmen have declared that this is a war on behalf of democracy. There are many other reasons given in justification. You know them all by heart. I suggest that, at the end of the war, whichever way it ends, there will be no democracy left to represent democracy.
This war has descended upon mankind as a curse and a warning. It is a curse inasmuch as it is brutalizing man on a scale hitherto unknown.
All distinctions between combatants and non-combatants have been abolished. No one and nothing is to be spared. Lying has been reduced to an art. Britain was to defend small nationalities. One by one they have vanished, at least for the time being. It is also a warning. It is a warning that, if nobody reads the writing on the wall, man will be reduced to the state of the beast, whom he is shaming by his manners.
I read the writing when the hostilities broke out. But I had not the courage to say the word. God has given me the courage to say it before it is too late. I appeal for cessation of hostilities, not because you are too exhausted to fight, but because war is bad in essence. You want to kill Nazism. You will never kill it by its indifferent adoption.
Your soldiers are doing the same work of destruction as the Germans. The only difference is that perhaps yours are not as thorough as the Germans. If that be so, yours will soon acquire the same thoroughness as theirs, if not much greater.
On no other condition can you win the war. In other words, you will have to be more ruthless than the Nazis.
No cause, however just, can warrant the indiscriminate slaughter that is going on minute by minute. I suggest that a cause that demands the inhumanities that are being perpetrated to-day cannot be called just. I do not want Britain to be defeated, nor do I want her to be victorious in a trial of brute strength, whether expressed through the muscle or the brain.
Your muscular bravery is an established fact. Need you demonstrate that your brain is also as unrivalled in destructive power as your muscle? I hope you do not wish to enter into such an undignified competition with the Nazis.
I venture to present you with a nobler and braver way, worthy of the bravest soldier. I want you to fight Nazism without arms, or, if I am to retain the military terminology, with non-violent arms. I would like you to lay down the arms you have as being useless for saving you or humanity.
You will invite Herr Hitler and Signor Mussolini to take what they want of your beautiful island, with your many beautiful buildings. You will give all these but neither your souls, nor your minds. If these gentlemen choose to occupy your homes, you will vacate them. If they do not give you free passage out, you will allow yourselves man, woman and child, to be slaughtered, but you will refuse to owe allegiance to them.
This process or method, which I have called non-violent non-co-operation, is not without considerable success in its use in India. Your representatives in India may deny my claim. If they do, I shall feel sorry for them. They may tell you that our non-co-operation was not wholly non-violent, that it was born of hatred.
If they give that testimony, I will not deny it. Indeed the history of Europe during the past few months would then have been written differently.
Europe would have been spared seas of innocent blood, the rape of so many small nations, and the orgy of hatred. This is no appeal made by a man who does not know his business.
I have been practicing with scientific precision non-violence and its possibilities for an unbroken period of over fifty years. I have applied it in every walk of life, domestic, institutional, economic and political. I know of no single case in which it has failed. Where it has seemed sometimes to have failed, I have ascribed it to my imperfections. I claim no perfection for myself. But I do claim to be a passionate seeker after Truth, which is but another name for God.
In the course of that search, the discovery of non-violence came to me. Its spread is my life mission. I have no interest in living except for the prosecution of that mission. I claim to have been a lifelong and wholly disinterested friend of the British people. At one time I used to be also a lover of your empire.
I thought that it was doing good to India. When I saw that in the nature of things it could do no good, I used, and am still using, the non-violent method to fight imperialism. Whatever the ultimate fate of my country, my love for you remains, and will remain, undiminished. My non-violence demands universal love, and you are not a small part of it. It is that love which has prompted my appeal to you.
May God give power to every word of mine. In His name, I began to write this, and in His name, I close it. May your states men have the wisdom and courage to respond to my appeal. If it is His will that I should shoulder it, He will give me the strength to carry on. When I decided to confine myself mostly to writing in Gujarati or Hindustani, I had no notion that I would have to write the appeal. It came to me like a flash, and the courage to write it came with it.
I had resisted till then all pressure from English and American friends to give guidance. But I could not see my way. Now, having addressed that appeal, I must follow up the reactions to it. A large amount of correspondence is pouring in upon me.
Save for one angry telegram, I had nothing but friendly criticism from Englishmen and even appreciation from some. I was grateful to H. The correspondence with regard to it the readers have already seen or will see in this issue.
Though no better response to the appeal was to be expected, I cannot help saying that it was the knowledge of the determination to carry the war to a victorious end that had prompted my appeal. No doubt the determination is natural and worthy of the best British tradition. Nevertheless the awful slaughter that the determination involves, should induce a search for a better and braver way to achieve the end. For peace has its victories more glorious than those of war.
The non-violent method would have meant no abject surrender. It would have confounded all modern tactics of war, indeed rendered them of no use. The new world order, which all dream of, would surely have been found. I hold a new order to be impossible, if the war is fought to a finish or mutual exhaustion leads to a patched-up peace. Throughout the confrontation with evil, the satyagrahi must adhere to nonviolence, for to employ violence would be to lose correct insight.
Satyagraha includes more than civil disobedience. Mehtab was older in age, taller and encouraged the strictly vegetarian boy to eat meat to gain height. He also took Mohandas to a brothel one day, though Mohandas "was struck blind and dumb in this den of vice," rebuffed the prostitutes' advances and was promptly sent out of the brothel. The experience caused Mohandas mental anguish, and he abandoned the company of Mehtab.
Recalling the day of their marriage, he once said, "As we didn't know much about marriage, for us it meant only wearing new clothes, eating sweets and playing with relatives. The two deaths anguished Gandhi. But he dropped out and returned to his family in Porbandar.
Gandhi's uncle Tulsidas also tried to dissuade his nephew. Gandhi wanted to go. To persuade his wife and mother, Gandhi made a vow in front of his mother that he would abstain from meat, alcohol and women. Gandhi's brother Laxmidas, who was already a lawyer, cheered Gandhi's London studies plan and offered to support him.
Putlibai gave Gandhi her permission and blessing. Upon arrival, he stayed with the local Modh Bania community while waiting for the ship travel arrangements. The head of the community knew Gandhi's father.
After learning Gandhi's plans, he and other elders warned Gandhi that England would tempt him to compromise his religion, and eat and drink in Western ways. Gandhi informed them of his promise to his mother and her blessings.
The local chief disregarded it, and excommunicated him from his caste. But Gandhi ignored this, and on 4 September, he sailed from Bombay to London. His brother saw him off. Gandhi in London as a law student At UCL, he studied law and jurisprudence and was invited to enroll at Inner Temple with the intention of becoming a barrister. His childhood shyness and self withdrawal had continued through his teens, and he remained so when he arrived in London, but he joined a public speaking practice group and overcame this handicap to practise law.
He tried to adopt "English" customs, including taking dancing lessons. However, he could not appreciate the bland vegetarian food offered by his landlady and was frequently hungry until he found one of London's few vegetarian restaurants. Influenced by Henry Salt's writing, he joined the Vegetarian Society , was elected to its executive committee,  and started a local Bayswater chapter.
They encouraged Gandhi to join them in reading the Bhagavad Gita both in translation as well as in the original. He returned to Rajkot to make a modest living drafting petitions for litigants, but he was forced to stop when he ran afoul of a British officer Sam Sunny.
Abdullah owned a large successful shipping business in South Africa. His distant cousin in Johannesburg needed a lawyer, and they preferred someone with Kathiawari heritage. Gandhi inquired about his pay for the work.
He accepted it, knowing that it would be at least one-year commitment in the Colony of Natal , South Africa, also a part of the British Empire.
In , Mahatma Gandhi was arrested for organizing civil resistance of tens of thousands of landless farmers and serfs in the Champaran district of Bihar, India. So we learn in the books on mechanics.
The peace Europe gained at Munich is a triumph of violence; it is also its defeat. It is a curse inasmuch as it is brutalizing man on a scale hitherto unknown. But to whom should they leave India? The number 2, represents the number of days in prison for civil disobedience.
Suffering is thus the badge of the human tribe. The disgraceful scenes that took place at a recent Madras meeting were a complete denial of non-violence. It is because so little is really required to be done and because all of that depends entirely upon ourselves that I have ventured the belief that Swaraj is attainable in less than one year.